Al-Sisi’s firm grip on the country seems a fait accompli. He has the support of the security bodies, which control the media; the parliament is almost entirely on his side; and since the constitutional amendments, he de facto controls the judiciary. It is hard to imagine how the few opposition politicians and activists left would pose a threat to the regime.

It has become illegal to issue verdicts of banishment or exile against the Egyptians. Even successive Egyptian constitutions have categorically prohibited exile. It is saddening to see exile de facto being practised against the Egyptians in the present time. Such dangerous transformation has not taken place as a result of constitutional amendments or the enforcement of laws that allowed for what had been prohibited in the past, but rather the outcome of the state’s recent practices with the clear purpose of placing restrictions on the public, confiscating political action and raising the cost of practicing politics.

The situation for Egyptian writers is growing increasingly difficult, with many in exile or even facing imprisonment at home. Voicing critical or alternative views on politics, morality or religion has become a red line and many writers are now afraid to publish at all.

While there has long been mixed Egyptian and international opera groups performing in Cairo, the first exclusively Egyptian opera company was established in 1964, following the foundation of the Cairo Conservatoire in the 1950s. After the old opera house burned down, the company continued performing in other theatres in Cairo and Alexandria.

It is true that in the rivalry over the January 25 Revolution’s story and memory, the ancien regime had the upper hand. Yet, the regime’s attempt to enforce forgetfulness of the revolution’s ideals and triumphant moments does not go unchallenged. Although they suffer immensely, and many of them try to forget in order to go on with their lives, some supporters of the revolution are still – using sarcasm, arts and archives – countering and disrupting the regime’s propaganda and false narratives, both online and abroad, while re-presenting the stories and memories of the January 25 democratic uprising.

The most notable change is to the presidential term limit, increasing it from two four-year terms to two six-year terms. This would allow al-Sisi to run for two more terms after his current one ends in 2022, which could keep him in power until 2034.

Performing in Egypt can potentially become even more complicated, if a new decree approved in July 2018 comes into force. As per the decree, Egypt formed a permanent committee to regulate and grant licenses for festivals. Under the new decree, a concert would require up to eight permits. The decree further stipulates that the minister of culture holds the right to cancel a festival if the event ‘defames the reputation of Egypt’.

al-Sisi regime has succeeded in rebuilding the wall of fear separating citizens from the state. The space for dissent in Egypt has shrunk to zero. Many of those arrested were not politically active, or at least not recently, but voiced criticism on social media or had even quit activism altogether.

In short, the government and private parties such as Al Ismaelia for Real Estate Investment envision a city centre with higher end residents and businesses, regulated and controlled entertainment, and a vibrant but nevertheless strictly censored arts and culture scene. Meanwhile, the bulk of resources for urban development are being directed elsewhere, such as the new capital.

In addition to solving the humanitarian crisis in Gaza, tension on the Israeli border would be alleviated and a long-term calm could be achieved. Moreover, there would be a real key to political partnership among all Palestinian factions. Consequently, the Egyptian leadership would likely agree to keep the Rafah crossing open because it would be run by an internationally recognized administration.